
High numbers of local journalists have fled several African countries in recent years after being assaulted, threatened, or imprisoned, leaving a deep void in professional reporting. The starkest examples are in the Horn of Africa nations of Somalia, Ethiopia, and Eritrea, where dozens of journalists have been forced into exile. Zimbabwe, Rwanda, and the Gambia have also lost large segments of the local press corps in the face of intimidation and violence.
ATTACKS ON
THE PRESS: 2009
• Main Index
AFRICA
Regional Analysis:
• In African hot spots,
journalists forced into exile
Country Summaries
• DRC
• Ethiopia
• Gambia
• Madagascar
• Niger
• Nigeria
• Somalia
• Uganda
• Zambia
• Zimbabwe
• Other developments
Those
who flee their native countries pay a high price: Facing cultural,
language, and legal obstacles, they struggle to find work in their
profession. CPJ research shows that only one in three is able to
continue working as a journalist. But the public also pays dearly for
the exodus of professional, local reporters from these countries, all
of which have had internal strife with international implications. Not
only had domestic audiences relied upon these front-line journalists,
so too had international reporters, who used local coverage as a base
of information and depended on local reporters for the sort of sources
and knowledge only a native can have.
Yet
it is not simply a shortage of reliable information that has resulted,
journalists say. Perversely, in some instances, the exodus of
professional journalists has enabled governments or political factions
to exert editorial control over once-independent news outlets. "The
high exile rates of journalists have not brought a lack of information
so much as misinformation," said Abdiaziz Hassan, a local correspondent
for Reuters in Somalia. "It incites the conflict further."
Among
the hardest hit has been Radio Shabelle, a Somali station that had
earned a reputation for independent reporting. Situated in Mogadishu's
Bakara Market--home to a number of media outlets, but also a base of
operations for the militant insurgent group Al-Shabaab--the station has
seen five of its journalists killed, numerous staffers threatened, and
several forced into exile. Without sufficient management on site, the
station has been susceptible to pressure from Al-Shabaab to censor its
coverage and even broadcast the group's propaganda, according to
Mohamed Amin, a former Shabelle deputy director now in exile.
In
all, CPJ has documented the cases of 30 Somali journalists who have
gone into exile this decade, the fourth-highest tally worldwide during
the period. CPJ's
data on exiled journalists include only those journalists who fled due
to work-related persecution, who remained in exile for at least three
months, and whose whereabouts and activities are known. Local
organizations using different criteria report higher numbers. The
Union of Exiled Somali Journalists, for example, counts as many as 80
exiled reporters. Most of these exiles have fled in the face of
astonishing violence: Twenty-one Somali journalists have been killed in
direct connection to their work since 2005, some at the hands of
government forces, many at the hands of militant groups such as
Al-Shabaab.
Here's
another common thread: Most of the exiled Somali journalists speak
English. That's no coincidence, noted former Shabelle reporter Ahmednor
Mohamed, who said insurgents have targeted English-speaking journalists
in Mogadishu as "spies." That, in turn, has a domino effect on
international reporting.
Among
international news outlets, only the satellite channels Al-Jazeera and
Al-Arabiya maintained an ongoing presence in the country in late year.
Paul Salopek, a Pulitzer Prize-winning reporter who has covered the
continent for many years, noted that few international journalists even
venture into Somalia, particularly Mogadishu, because of the severe
risks. International correspondents
are forced instead to report by phone from Nairobi, Kenya. "That's how
isolated we've become from the story on the ground," said Salopek, who
called war and drought conditions in Somalia "one of the worst
humanitarian crises in the world." Without reliable local reporters to
provide baseline information, the task of telling the Somali story to
the world has become extraordinarily difficult.
"There's
little question that the decimation of Somali journalists--by
assassination or through exile--has reduced the quantity and quality of
news coming out of that country," Salopek said. "They were the first
responders, if you will, to breaking news in Somalia. And most of them
are gone."
In Ethiopia and Eritrea, mass imprisonments of journalists early in
the decade have been followed by years of steady repression. The threat
of jail has led at least 41 Ethiopian journalists and 24 Eritreans into
exile, CPJ data show, although local groups suggest the figures may be
much higher.
Ethiopian
authorities have regularly used the law as leverage against the press,
enacting two pieces of legislation in 2009 that further repress news
coverage. An antiterrorism measure sets prison terms of up to 20 years
for anyone who "writes, edits, prints, publishes, publicizes, or
disseminates" statements that the government vaguely describes as
advancing terrorist interests. The deceptively named Mass Media and
Freedom of Information Proclamation stiffens penalties for libel and
grants government prosecutors authority to censor publications on
national security grounds.
For
an Ethiopian press corps that saw 13 of its colleagues jailed in a
massive 2005 crackdown, the passage of new, restrictive legislation
sent a clear message: The government of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi was
again ready to imprison critical reporters and editors. "Everything
became illegal," said Wondrad Debretsion, an Ethiopian editor who
recently went into exile. "Even state-sponsored reporters have started
fleeing the country." The continuing exodus has weakened the
independence of the remaining Ethiopian press. The Awramba Times,
a once critical publication, has taken a newly sympathetic stance
toward the government, said Debretsion, who served as the paper's
deputy director before leaving the country in July.
No
government has decimated the press corps as thoroughly as that of
Eritrea, where in 2001 the administration of President Isaias Afewerki
rounded up 18 critical editors and reporters, jailed them without
trial, and held them in secret locations. The crackdown pushed other
independent reporters into exile, and effectively shuttered the
independent press. The government's heavy-handed repression has also
forced out state-employed journalists, one of whom, Paulos Kidane, died
while trying to flee the country on foot for Sudan in 2007.
Gambian
authorities have also used intimidation tactics: Seven editors and
reporters were jailed for a month in 2009 on trumped-up charges of
sedition; journalist "Chief" Ebrima Manneh was believed to be held in a
secret government jail; and the government continued to show little
interest in solving the 2004 murder of editor Deyda Hydara. Such
tactics have prompted at least 13 journalists to flee since 2007,
according to the Gambia Press Union. That number becomes eye-opening
when one considers that the Gambia has just two independent newspapers
and a population of 1.7 million. The journalists who remain often
censor their work or simply avoid sensitive topics.
"There
is no incentive for in-depth reporting or investigative journalism
anymore as it can land one in trouble with authorities," said Musa
Saidykhan, a Gambian journalist who fled after being tortured by state
security agents in 2008.
Government harassment has also played a role in Rwanda, where at least 10 independent journalists have fled. Half of those journalists had contributed reporting to foreign media outlets, CPJ research shows. Robert Mukombozi, a Rwandan whose work as a correspondent for the Ugandan daily The Monitor had offended authorities, was ordered out of the country in 2009 on fabricated charges that he lacked citizenship. Lucie
Umukundwa, a correspondent for the U.S. government-funded Voice of
America, left in 2006 after unidentified men attacked her brother in
reprisal for her reporting.
"I was used to arrests and intimidations," Umukundwa told CPJ, "but this was the first time my family was attacked."
Only
two independent weeklies remain in Rwanda's capital, Kigali. The
director of one of those papers, Charles Kabonero, said the loss of his
colleagues has not only lowered professional standards, it has left
remaining journalists feeling isolated and less interested in pursuing
independent stances. The private weekly Rushashya,
which had been known as a critical news source, publicly announced in
2009 that it would take a more pro-government editorial stance.
Many exiled African journalists face great challenges and continuing risk. The
Union of Exiled Somali Journalists said about half of its members eke
out a precarious existence on the dangerous streets of Kenya's capital,
Nairobi. Most fled so precipitously that they took few belongings or
identification papers. The exile union, along with the National Union
of Somali Journalists, both said they had received reports that Somali
exiles have faced arbitrary harassment and detention at the hands of
Kenyan police.
The
Rwandan Mukombozi told CPJ that members of his family had been
assaulted twice in Kigali after he was forced into exile. "All that
psychological pressure more than triples when such incidents happen,"
he said by e-mail, "and the restricted communication between the exiled
journalist and his/her family makes the harm on both sides enormous."
Gambian
journalists seeking refuge typically move to Dakar, Senegal, but they
are rarely at ease because of the suspected presence of Gambian
security agents, said Demba Jawo, former head of the Gambian Press
Union. "Sometimes exiled Gambian journalists feel compelled to move
periodically to avoid detection from these security agents," he said.
Even
those in safe circumstances face enormous professional challenges. At
least 48 Zimbabwean journalists have been forced into exile since 2000,
most of them in the early half of the decade during sustained
harassment by President Robert Mugabe's government, according to CPJ
research. In interviews with CPJ, many of these Zimbabwean journalists
have said that it took years for them to re-establish themselves
professionally and secure sound economic footings for their families.
Many had to abandon journalism as a career.
Yet
some who revived their careers also created a vibrant diaspora news
media. Gerry Jackson, an exiled Zimbabwean journalist, launched the
London-based SW Radio in 2001. The station broadcasts programming into Zimbabwe in English and in the Shona and Ndebele languages. Wilf Mbanga, another exile, started The Zimbabwean newspaper
in 2005. Based in his new home in England, Mbanga produces a weekly
that circulates in the United Kingdom, South Africa--and Zimbabwe. Abel
Mutasakani, who left for South Africa in 2004, joined with other
colleagues to start the Web publication ZimOnline.
Ethiopian
and Eritrean exiles have similarly launched Web sites, typically
focusing on events back home. While limited in what they can report
firsthand, these sites receive and report leaked documents, interview
disaffected government sources, and offer critical political commentary.
The
irony that exiled journalists are getting independent news and views
into their native countries is not lost on people such as the
Zimbabwean Geoff Hill. "Since
nationalizing the press in 1981, Mugabe has done his best to control
the flow of information, but now there are so many leaks in the bucket,
it is more like a watering can," said Hill, himself an exiled
journalist who still reports on the country. "Much of the credit for
this must go to the hard breed of Zimbabwean journalists--both at home
and in exile--who refuse to surrender."
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